By
1917 a complex mosaic of grievances toward mission and government existed in
the Sa'dan highlands. If the government was seen as the agent for making
decisions that affected people's lives in the villages, the mission was viewed
as the intelligence-gathering apparatus funneling reports from teachers,
students, and the missionaries themselves to the Dutch rulers. While gathering
damaging information through his active participation in village affairs, the
missionary dispensed unsettling pronouncements on Torajan custom and the god of
the Whites, confirming with words what his actions had already told them:
"the Dutch want you to become Christian." By sending troops and armed
police, the colonial government put steel
into the missionary's request for manpower and materials to build schools, and
enforced his passion against gambling and cockfighting. While van de Loosdrecht
might say "that the mission asks and urges but the government orders and
punishes," the Torajan was more likely to conclude that "the mission
asks and urges, then the government orders and punishes.
The
fears that the Dutch were out to obliterate the indigenous religion reached
their height when the governor journeyed to Rantepao on March 2, 1917 to meet
with the missionaries in what Torajans widely held to be a plot to convert all
Torajans to Christianity.
The
rumor had some basis in truth. Indeed, the governor was meeting with the Dutch
civil commanders from Makale and Rantepao and the mission personnel to discuss
van de Loosdrecht's proposal to abolish not only cockfighting but the death
feast itself and ban markets on Sundays, essentially transforming the market
system from a six-day cycle to a seven-day cycle, with the Sabbath off.
The
incomplete information leaking from this meeting made a profound impression on
Torajan headmen. Many of them met at the Rantepao headmen's hall and made
strong statements of protest against the anticipated forced Christianization.
The rumor soon spread that the death feast, cockfighting, and the Sunday market
would all be abolished. The immediate fears stimulated by the governor's
presence in Rantepao exacerbated long-standing animosities generated by the
village schools. These schools, in the minds of most villagers, were a kind of
forced labor. Having little sense of the school's utility to the village,
people focused on their own losses, in terms of children's labor in the fields
or at home, and the cost of clothing them for school. They resented being
jailed or fined when their children were absent from school, and many objected
to the taxing of death feasts to support the school. In the final analysis, the
perceived attack on indigenous religion and custom, combined with the
villagers' objections to the schools, might not have produced the eventual
violent reaction they did had not the mission and government made such a
determined effort to undercut some of the stalwarts of the old elite. By
selectively removing and sending into exile the linchpins of the elite, the
Dutch may have failed to recognize the general sense of alarm this caused among
the headmen. If it could happen to Pong Maramba, Ne' Lapu, and Danduru, why not
to Ne' Mattandung or anyone viewed as opposing the mission? Opposition began to
mount against the increased interference of mission and government in village
affairs.
Behind the scenes of isolated resistance, the headmen had begun to take positions that envisioned the expulsion of the Dutch. From the beginning, some of them had seen the Dutch as passing overlords destined not to control the highlands for long. As early as 1909, some of the headmen hatched a plot first to attack the Dutch in Makale and Rantepao, then to move on to conquer Palopo and Makassar.
Behind the scenes of isolated resistance, the headmen had begun to take positions that envisioned the expulsion of the Dutch. From the beginning, some of them had seen the Dutch as passing overlords destined not to control the highlands for long. As early as 1909, some of the headmen hatched a plot first to attack the Dutch in Makale and Rantepao, then to move on to conquer Palopo and Makassar.
On
July 21, 1917 the Tikala district head (puang) Arung Langi, and the Bori
headman, Pong Arung, reported to the Rantepao prosecutor that Ne' Mattandung's
adopted son Pong Massanka had organized a gambling party in his kampong; they
broadly hinted that the named persons harbored plans to revolt.
There
was no love lost between these two informers and Ne' Mattandung, their
animosity originating in the days of Tikala raids into Balusu for slaves and
ransom. Vague plans for rebellion had been in the wind since 1916, but they
assumed a sense of urgency only after the incendiary rumors emanating from the
governor's visit to Rantepao swept through the area. The rebels planned
simultaneous attacks on all Dutch compounds in Makale and Rantepao towns, and on
the houses of the four missionaries, to drive all the Dutch from the highlands.
Arms were collected and stored in preparation for the rebellion. Given the lack
of political unity at the time, the plan, and the preparations for implementing
it, seem quite impressive. Before the principal plan had a chance to develop
fully, however, the subplot initiated by Ne' Mattandung and his followers
prematurely came to a climax. About July 15, 1917 Pong Massangka led a dozen
followers into Rantepao on market day to wait in ambush for Commander Brouwer,
who typically took a walk around the market each day in the late afternoon.
Hiding knives in their clothes, the band watched the Dutchman, with his wife
and young son, approach to within two hundred meters of where they were hiding
behind some trees. Suddenly the child stumbled and fell, beginning to wail.
Rather than take the protesting child through the crowded market, Brouwer and
his wife decided to return home at once, thwarting the plot of the would-be
assassins.
When Massangka and his supporters returned to Pangli, Ne' Mattandung held a gambling party for them. They then made a second plan for an assassination, this time of van de Loosdrecht at his house in Barana, just north of Rantepao. On the evening of the 26th the group, joined by others who had not participated in the earlier attempt, slaughtered a pig and prepared rice for a ceremonial meal before starting off for the missionary's house.
When Massangka and his supporters returned to Pangli, Ne' Mattandung held a gambling party for them. They then made a second plan for an assassination, this time of van de Loosdrecht at his house in Barana, just north of Rantepao. On the evening of the 26th the group, joined by others who had not participated in the earlier attempt, slaughtered a pig and prepared rice for a ceremonial meal before starting off for the missionary's house.
A
courier had just returned with word from Ne' Mattandung that he agreed with
their plan to attack the missionary. Suddenly someone appeared with the news
that van de Loosdrecht had been seen at a schoolmaster's house in Bori, some
twenty minutes away. Under cover of darkness, thirteen of the celebrants then
hurried off to carry out their plan. After the band reached the Bori bridge,
the designated assassin Pong Massangka alias Ne' Babu' left them and approached
the porch where the missionary was reading by lamplight at the open window.
Leaping onto the porch, the young warrior plunged his lance through van de
Loosdrecht's lower chest; as he slumped to the floor, the dying missionary
knocked over the lamp, and flames engulfed the porch as the band slipped away.
Passions
pent up over the period of several rice harvests poured out that night and the
next. With the active or passive support of many villagers Pong Massangka and
his followers swept through To' Karau market an hour away, burning the newly
constructed market stalls. They then returned to Pangli where they burned three
bridges linking the village with the road to Rantepao - a road resented by
Massangka because, without consulting him, the government had confiscated a
portion of his rice fields for a right-of-way. The inhabitants of Pangli were
whipped into an anti-Dutch frenzy, and they built barricades around village
entrances, preparing to fight the Dutch troops that they knew would soon
arrive. Reports indicate that the Dutch expected a fierce battle in Pangli.
Commander Brouwer, with his half-brigade of armed police, proceeded from Bori
to Balusu, bypassing the stronghold at Pangli. Two brigades of infantry from
Palopo and two from Enrekang were already on their way to deal with any heavy
resistance. Brouwer went to Balusu, because he suspected that Ne' Mattandung was
somehow involved in the murder of the missionary. At dusk all the surrounding
villages lit fires in support of Mattandung's truculence, and by the next
morning five hundred armed supporters hovered in the hills surrounding the
unwelcome authorities. Half a day of cat and mouse left one Torajan dead, shot
as he advanced on the messenger bearing a summons to Ne' Mattandung. The
stalemate ended with the arrival of reinforcement troops from Palopo and police
forces from Makale. In the face of this triangular advance, Mattandung's
warriors dispersed throughout the hilly terrain, fighting ineffectually with
lances and long knives against the Dutch firearms. Several more Torajans were
killed and captured and the resistance crumbled. The round-up of rebels and active
sympathizers continued for two weeks, with hundreds being detained.
Mattandung's capture and the surrender of Pangli without a fight exposed the
weakness of the leadership behind the plots to kill Brouwer and van de
Loosdrecht.
The
various plots to expel the Dutch from the highlands had misfired, and fifty-six
persons from Rantepao were exiled. With the departure of Tandibua and his
lieutenants, Ne' Mattandung and his, Pong Massangka and the tragic Pong Arung
(who committed suicide in jail), the steel went out of the Torajan resistance
to change - particularly the change dictated by the mission and a
mission-sympathetic government. Pong Maramba and Danduru had preceded them,
Tangki Langi, an influential headman in Pangala convicted in a sawah dispute,
followed. The missionary who succeeded van de Loosdrecht recorded the whispers
passing through Toraja: "the Dutch are killing all our great men."
Sumber
: http://www.batusura.de/pangli.htm
For
more information, refer to: Tana Toraja: A Social History of an Indonesian
People (Singapore: Singapore University Press, 2005) by Terance
Bigalke. ISBN: 9971693186
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